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- Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam: livelihood changes and implications
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Transformation of Fish Corrals in
Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam: livelihood
changes and implications
a
Tuong Huy Nguyen
a
Hanoi National University of Education, Vietnam
Published online: 13 Aug 2014.
To cite this article: Tuong Huy Nguyen (2014) Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon,
Vietnam: livelihood changes and implications, Australian Geographer, 45:3, 393-406, DOI:
10.1080/00049182.2014.930005
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049182.2014.930005
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Vol. 45, No. 3, 393–406, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049182.2014.930005
Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu
Lagoon, Vietnam: livelihood changes and
implications
TUONG HUY NGUYEN, Hanoi National University of Education,
Vietnam
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ABSTRACT Coastal fisheries in Nha Phu lagoon, Vietnam, have encountered dramatic
transformation in recent decades. Socio-economic and environmental impacts are examined
through the case of fish corrals. The intensification and expansion of fish corrals has helped
some households to enhance their income and livelihood assets. Technological and access-
related changes associated with this transformation have also resulted in lower incomes, and
even pushed poorer households into indebtedness by undermining their livelihood assets. The
privatisation of common pool resources has also led to marginalisation of the poor,
increasing inequality in access to natural resources and social differentiation, as not all
households are able to benefit from the technological changes taking place, while access to
natural resources is increasingly concentrated among the wealthier households who are
driving this process. A range of measures are needed to alleviate poverty and promote more
diverse sustainable livelihood development in fishing communities around the lagoon.
KEY WORDS Fish corrals; livelihood change; poverty; inequality; sustainability; Vietnam.
Introduction
Vietnam, with a coastline of approximately 3260 km, has geographically favourable
conditions for the development of the fisheries. Over the past decades, the fisheries
sector has played a valuable role in the national economy. It accounts for about 4 per
cent of annual GDP, generates employment for almost 9 per cent of the employed
labour force and is crucial for nutrition (Son & Thuoc 2003; Pomeroy et al. 2009).
However, it faces critical issues that need to be addressed to ensure sustainable
development. While there is a common assumption that people living in coastal
fisheries communities in Vietnam may not be the poorest of the poor, poverty clearly
exists in these communities, both in terms of the poverty rate and absolute numbers
(World Bank 2003; Ministry of Fisheries & World Bank 2005). A large proportion of
households in coastal communities rely on capture fisheries, aquaculture and
associated activities for their livelihoods, while opportunities for livelihood diversi-
fication are limited. These fisheries livelihoods are seasonal, vulnerable to natural
disasters and also affected by changes in access to resources, initiated by the changes
in resource use and management policies, together with shifts in property rights
© 2014 Geographical Society of New South Wales Inc.
- 394 T.H. Nguyen
practices, associated with Vietnam’s market-oriented economic reforms (Adger et al.
2000, 2002). Simultaneously, accompanied by declining access to coastal resources,
local people are confronting significant challenges due to over-fishing, inappropriate
fishing and unsustainable aquaculture practices, alongside degradation of coastal
resources and the environment (DFID 2001; Son & Thuoc 2003; Ministry of
Fisheries & World Bank 2005; Pomeroy et al. 2009).
Coastal areas of Vietnam are characterised by an accelerating aquarian transition
in which fisheries-based livelihoods have changed rapidly (Fougeres 2008).
However, the impacts of this transition on the co-production of wealth and
poverty, inequality and sustainability have not been investigated in recent studies.
Studies of rural development have tended to focus on agriculture and forestry and
to pay less attention to the fisheries sector, while research on coastal development
and poverty reduction has focused mainly on the large-scale fisheries sector of
Vietnam (Ministry of Fisheries and World Bank 2005). A review of literature on
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poverty research in coastal fisheries communities has shown that the nature and
creation of poverty are poorly understood, in part because poverty is seen as a
residual condition to be eradicated rather than as something actively produced
(Macfadyen & Corcoran 2002). There is a need, therefore, to examine the
circumstances of poverty, and effective actions to alleviate both poverty and
inequality, in coastal fisheries communities. The few recent studies that have
focused on this topic are limited to the examination of livelihood changes as a
threshold to the whole community without identifying the effects of changes at
different degrees, on different levels, and to different groups of stakeholders (Béné
& Friend 2011). These studies ignore the link between transformation and the
creation of poverty and inequality in the context of livelihood change or the
dynamics and complexity of livelihoods, changes and their impacts. These gaps will
be addressed in the present case study.
The study provides an insight into the transformation of fish corrals and
examines its implications in Nha Phu lagoon. Nha Phu is broadly similar to other
coastal lagoons in Vietnam, and has experienced parallel changes (e.g. Van Tuyen
et al. 2010; Armitage et al. 2011). It seeks to establish a better understanding of key
technological and access-related changes, and their impacts on local socio-
economic conditions and natural resources. It initially gives an overview of the
case study site and research methods, followed by an analysis of the key
technological and access-related changes in fishing communities. This section is
then followed by a discussion of the socio-economic impacts of such transforma-
tions. The final section of the paper draws some conclusions and examines
possibilities for promoting poverty alleviation and sustainable livelihood develop-
ment in fishing communities around the lagoon.
The case study site and research methods
Nha Phu lagoon is situated in Khanh Hoa, a south-central coastal province of
Vietnam, and is approximately 20 km north of the provincial capital, Nha Trang. The
rectangular lagoon, about 15 km long and 3 km wide, is separated from the open sea
by Hon Heo peninsula in the east and northeast, Hoai and Vung islands in the
northwest, and mountain ranges in the southwest (Figure 1). The two capes mark
the official border between the lagoon and Nha Trang bay. The lagoon covers an area
of about 5000 ha at highest tide, and about 3000 ha at lowest tide (Lang 1999).
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Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam
FIGURE 1. Nha Phu lagoon and surrounding villages.
395
- 396 T.H. Nguyen
The lagoon is fed by several short rivers whose basins play important roles in the
economic activities, especially fisheries, of the surrounding communities. The
lagoon’s water body and fisheries resources are strongly influenced by these rivers.
Nha Phu lagoon is surrounded by 13 villages, which belong to five communes in
two districts, with a population of about 21 500. Most have small residential areas
with large populations and high population densities. Land for agricultural activities
is very limited, except for Hang Doi and Cat Loi villages, hence households are
generally reliant on fisheries for food and income. The majority of households are
involved in some forms of aquatic resource exploitation either as a primary
occupation or as a component of wider livelihood strategies. The main income
source of most (70–95 per cent) households is from fisheries-related activities
including capture fisheries and aquaculture. Other activities such as agriculture,
livestock, handicrafts, trading and other services account for the remaining small
proportions (Boi et al. 2010; see Figure 2).
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Although Nha Phu lagoon was once rich in aquatic resources, the surrounding
communities have experienced difficulties in maintaining their fisheries-based
livelihoods. The main reasons for this include the destruction of mangroves
(caused by expanding shrimp aquaculture), use of destructive fishing gear,
environmental pollution (caused by aquaculture, agricultural intensification,
urbanisation and transportation), population growth and the lack of alternative
employment (Lang 1999; Duc 2007; Boi et al. 2010). At the same time, conflicts
relate to the use and management of natural resources among communities around
the lagoon, which generally concern two issues: the technology that the fishers use
and the areas of exploitation (Lang 1999). Such conflicts are largely a consequence
of the open-access nature of coastal resources. As both of these conflicts were
evident at these sites, coastal fishing communities around Nha Phu lagoon are
selected as the study sites that provide a particular context for investigating socio-
economic impacts and implications of livelihood changes.
The fieldwork was conducted between July 2008 and December 2012, and
followed a tiered approach, from institutional stakeholders at the district level to
households at the village level. Data collection began with 45 purposively chosen
key informants from eight villages, followed by a ranking exercise at village level to
classify three wealth groups (poor, middle and better-off) in each village. Focus
group discussions were then conducted with 48 participants from the eight villages
(six participants in each village, including different stakeholders and households
that varied in wealth and age). Finally, in-depth interviews were conducted with 72
households. This was supplemented with substantial data collected through
participant observation. Informal meetings were conducted to share the research
findings and to promote further discussions on livelihood changes and related
issues with stakeholders and households. Subsequent frequent contacts with key
informants enabled the confirmation of information and further development of the
data (Nguyen 2013).
Transformation of fish corrals
Capture fisheries in transition
Capture fisheries are a traditional occupation for fishing communities around Nha
Phu lagoon where most activities can be defined as small-scale and subsistence
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Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam
397
FIGURE 2. Main livelihoods and resource uses in Nha Phu lagoon.
- 398 T.H. Nguyen
artisanal fisheries. They are also multi-species and multi-gear fisheries, which are
very common in tropical countries (Bailey 1994; Berkes et al. 2001). Originally,
capture fisheries were operated by those who lived near the lagoon, using simple
equipment made from local materials, enabling a self-sufficient and relatively
uncompetitive life because of sparse populations and abundant resources. Gradu-
ally, exploitation intensified as more people, including soldiers serving the pre-
revolutionary government and farmers in the off-season, also became involved in
capture fisheries. These newcomers adapted the traditional equipment and
introduced new technologies to more efficiently exploit the lagoon resources.
More non-selective fishing gear was used, which quickly degraded the fisheries
resources beyond their reproductive capacity. Many new techniques, including
electric devices, are prohibited but are commonly used in the lagoon, while fish-
aggregating devices are used to capture juveniles to be farmed in cages and ponds
(Lang 1999; Boi et al. 2010).
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Technically improved fishing gear has appeared, made from synthetic materials
combined with battery power and generators, and the nature of exploitation has
changed. At the same time, a number of highly selective traditional techniques have
disappeared and been replaced by more destructive fishing gear. Today, there are
six main types of fishing techniques used by fishermen to catch fish, crustaceans
and molluscs in the lagoon—fish corrals, push nets, gill/trammel nets, drag nets,
lobster fry straps and lobster fry lift nets (with lights)—all of which have technical
and spatial variations (Figure 2). Of these, fish corrals and gill net fishing are the
most important for local livelihoods in terms of employment and income. Both
have also undergone changes, with significant impacts and implications. Most
significantly, differentiation between rich and poor has appeared between those
who can adapt to and thus can benefit from change and those who cannot. The
following sections focus on key technological and access-related changes of fish
corrals in Nha Phu.
Intensification and expansion of fish corrals
Fish corrals are now operated in shallow-water areas next to three river mouths by
about 35 per cent of the households in Tan Thuy (approximately 250 corrals,
accounting for about 50 per cent of the total corrals in the Nha Phu lagoon), 15 per
cent of households in Ha Lien and 10 per cent of households in Tam Ich and Tan
Dao, and about 5 per cent of households in Hang Doi and Le Cam villages. The
area of fish corrals now covers the natural breeding grounds of the whole lagoon
(Figure 2).
Use of fish corrals is a traditional fishing practice based on ‘trapping’ principles.
Fish and shrimps moving either upstream or downstream are attracted to the net
enclosure and eventually come into the corrals. Based on depth of location, fish
corrals are classified as shallow or deep. A fish corral is divided into two parts: the
corral wings and the corral. The corral wing is designed as a barrier to lead fish,
shrimp and crabs to the corral. The two wings can be combined to make a V or W
shape. The cylindrical trap is made of a bamboo or iron frame surrounded by the
net (Plate 1). To attract more fish and shrimps and to protect the fish corrals from
thieves, fishermen usually light them at night, and harvest the products the next
morning.
- Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam 399
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PLATE 1. Structure of a fish corral (top) and fish corral area (bottom).
Fish corrals have changed significantly. Before the mid-1980s, they were made of
bamboo or wooden stakes that were available locally. The corral wing, also made of
bamboo or wooden stakes without nets, was just about 5 m long, the distances
between two wings was about 2 m. The distance between the bamboo or wooden
stakes was narrow so that people could catch fish in a selective and sustainable way
despite the low catch. Since the late 1980s, however, bamboo and wooden poles
have become scarce and are no longer free to fishermen. Fishers also realised that
bamboo and wooden corrals no longer bring about such high productivity because
of the overall decline of fisheries resources. That change was driven by the
increasing engagement with a market economy as a result of Doi Moi, a policy
reform launched in 1986 to facilitate the private economy and business in
agriculture, forestry and fisheries, and to reform agricultural cooperatives. Private
property rights were recognised in a market-oriented and multi-sector economy
with a socialist orientation. The collective and state economy was increasingly
replaced by a household-based economy. Responsibility for management of natural
resources, both land and water, was shifted away from cooperatives into the hands
of individual households (Van Arkadie & Mallon 2004). Small fish and shrimps,
once considered as trash fish, are now in high demand for aquaculture. Conse-
quently, bamboo and wooden corrals have been gradually replaced by nylon and
polyethylene nets, which are more effective and available in the local markets.
Nowadays, the corral wing is woven from many nylon and polyethylene net pieces
with upper ropes fixed to the bamboo or wooden poles (which are sometimes
covered with plastic to last longer in the water) and the lower rope fixed 20 cm
under the pole. The corral wing now ranges from 200 to 500 m, while the distance
between the two wings ranges from 150 to 220 m. Even more critically, the mesh
size is now only 4 mm compared to the 18 mm specified by the official local
regulations (Lang 1999). Fishermen tend to enlarge corral size and reduce the
- 400 T.H. Nguyen
mesh size at the same time in order to maximise their catch. Traditional selective
corrals were gradually replaced by more ‘modern’ destructive ones. This went
along with increasing material costs and declining aquatic resources, which in turn
had many impacts on local livelihoods and incomes.
Changing access rights to fish corrals
Changes also occurred in access rights to the fish corrals, the number of corrals and
corral distribution in the lagoon. Originally, fish corrals were operated by some
fishermen families in Tan Thuy, Tam Ich and Ha Lien villages in shallow-water
areas next to river mouths (Figure 2) where water currents are strong and tidal
intervals are high. Households with knowledge of aquatic resources and investment
capital found the most suitable water areas to build corrals; access rights were
customarily owned by those households and were maintained through inheritance
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recognised by the village authorities. After 1975, following the collectivisation,
fishing grounds of fish corrals were managed by production groups in which
individual corral fisherman could access their previous fishing grounds but had no
ownership rights (Luttrell 2001). Since the Doi Moi in 1986, the household-based
economy and private property rights have been recognised and facilitated (Van
Arkadie & Mallon 2004). Corral fishermen requested their fishing grounds back
from the production groups and could also occupy other areas to build new corrals.
Access rights are again maintained through exchange or inheritance and are
permitted by the commune authorities. Consequently, the number of fish corrals
as well as corral fishermen has increased rapidly over the years as a consequence of
the reduction in catch and the increasing population. As the number and size of
corrals increased the area available for fish corrals reached its limit, covering almost
all the lagoon’s breeding area. No suitable areas for corrals are available for
newcomers owing to the expansion of green mussel culture in contiguous deeper
waters (Figure 2).
In principle, both rich and poor households have access rights to corrals.
However, significant differences exist between rich and poor in access to and
investment ability in fish corrals. In the past, costs were low, when corrals were
made from local materials, but investment is now high as fishermen have to buy all
the necessary materials (see Table 1). Investments also vary according to corral size
and quality of materials. The rich can afford to make several, large corrals, and also
take advantage of the best sites where, as ‘predecessors’, they can harvest more
catch, earn more income, and continue to expand their business. However, the
poor find it difficult to afford this sort of investment, and so adopt alternative
strategies such as: investing in one or two small corrals with poor-quality materials;
and/or obtaining a loan at a high interest rate to invest in fish corrals; or using other
fishing gear rather than corrals. For the first two strategies, these poorer fishermen
are also disadvantaged by having unsuitable places for their corrals. As ‘followers’,
their catch is low and their income from corrals is insufficient for re-investing in
corrals. Eventually, many of them have had to sell their corral sites to the better-off.
They have then had to either use push nets in inshore shallow waters for low
returns, or use gill nets beyond the corral and mussel areas in the southeast of the
lagoon. In all these evolving strategies, the poor have gradually lost their access
rights to the lagoon resources that have long been considered as common pool
resources (Boi et al. 2010).
- Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam 401
TABLE 1. Estimated cost and economic return of an average corral
Item Cost
No. Item description (VND)a Remarks
1 Wooden poles (300 poles × VND 10 3 000 000 Will be replaced after 2
000/pole) months without nylon, or 5
months with nylon
2 Nylon (20 kg × VND 48 000/kg) 960 000 Will be replaced after 5
months
3 Ropes 70 000 Will be replaced after 25 days
4 Nets (2 sets × VND 2 500 000/set) 5 000 000 Will be replaced after 25 days
5 Corral (VND 400 000–700 000/ 700 000 Will be replaced after 25 days
corral)
6 Total cost 9 730 000
7 Estimated cost/day 240 000
8 Gross income/day 300 000
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9 Net income/day 60 000
Note: a14 100 Vietnamese dong (VND) = A$1.
Source: author’s fieldwork, 2008.
Though the lagoon is considered a common pool resource, access rights to fish
corrals vary among communities around the lagoon, but, at present, about 35 per
cent of households in Tan Thuy are using fish corrals, and much less than that in the
other villages. Moreover, all corral-owning households in Tan Thuy and Ha Lien
have their corrals in the administrative lagoon area where they live, while some
households in other villages (Hang Doi, Le Cam, and Tan Dao) are operating their
corrals outside their administrative lagoon area. The main reason why people locate
their corrals beyond their own administrative area is a lack of space. Not only do
a small proportion of households now have access to fish corals but the corals
are further and further away. Meanwhile, aquaculture ponds have been expanded in
the tidal areas, and green mussel stakes have been put in shallower waters, reducing
the available area for corrals and putting further pressure on the lagoon environment.
Socio-economic and environmental impacts of fish corral transformation
Intensification and expansion of fish corrals in Nha Phu have thus led to the
increasing concentration of productive capacity in the hands of those who have
driven this process, which has influenced socio-economic life outcomes. Most
significantly, the differentiation of rich and poor has emerged between those who
can adapt to and thus can benefit from the change and those who cannot.
Low income and income disparities
Since fisheries are generally considered an open-access resource and serve as a
social safety valve, a resource of last resort for nearby communities’ landless and
unemployed. This then becomes a reason for over-fishing in small-scale fisheries—
a root cause of (income) poverty in fisheries (Bailey 1994; Béné 2003). In Nha Phu,
too, where the intensification and expansion of fish corrals have led to over-fishing,
the outcome has been both reduced income and income disparities between social
groups.
- 402 T.H. Nguyen
TABLE 2. Sample analysis of households’ production costs and revenues in Tan Thuy village
Poor Better-off
Items household A household B
Fish corrals Number 2 5
Total investment (VND) 18 000 000 50 000 000
Gross income/day (VND) 540 000 1 500 000
Production cost/day (VND) 330 000 1 150 000
Net income/day (VND) 110 000 350 000
Hot loan Take a loan (VND) 1 000 000
Lend a loan (VND) 1 000 000
Daily interests and –40 000 +40 000
principal (VND)
Total net income/day 70 000 390 000
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Source: author’s fieldwork, 2008.
The average amount invested in a fish corral is VND 9 700 000 (Table 1).
Despite the high investment, returns are low because of the decline in catches and
the high cost of production. With the earning of approximately VND 60 000/corral/
day, better-off groups owning more than five corrals can earn more than VND 300
000/day, whereas the daily income of the poor group who can afford only one to
two corrals varies from VND 60 000 to 120 000. New technologies have
considerably benefited fishermen who have sufficient investment, whereas a
majority of poor fishermen, who were unable to invest in as many fish corrals as
the richer group, earned very little. Likewise, the earnings of some poor households
who had taken loans from the bank or private money lenders at high interest rates,
were much lower after deducting the interest (Table 2). This reveals not only that
gross income is lower for the poor in proportion to their smaller number of fish
corrals but also that the net income is much less because part of their production
costs is interest on loans to their wealthier neighbours.
Indebtedness as a result of over-capitalisation and high cost of production
The intensification and expansion of corral fisheries have also resulted in
indebtedness among the poorer groups in the Nha Phu lagoon, because of over-
capitalisation and high production costs. Not only are resources being used in the
fisheries sector when they could be used more productively elsewhere in the
economy, but the fisheries sector is being exploited beyond its sustainable
production capacity. Moreover, up to 70 per cent of households in the study
villages are in debt for as much as 7 to 10 months of the year, again especially
among low-income households. Current levels of earnings from fish corrals leave
very little or no surplus beyond the fishermen’s subsistence needs. Even households
that generate some surplus use it up quickly during lean periods or spend it on the
improvement of fishing tools, house repair or on social obligations such as
weddings and funerals. When the surplus is spent, fishers have recourse to credit
at high rates of interest by pledging their future fish catch. A number of fishermen
report an increase in the number of days that they go hungry as they face increasing
days of poor catches or no fishing opportunities at all. Several households
- Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam 403
experience an income barely sufficient for survival or have no certain source of
income. Such households have had to borrow from private moneylenders at high
interest rates to meet their basic needs, thereby becoming trapped in an endless and
hopeless cycle of debt as their borrowing progressively overwhelms their capacity to
repay.
Declines in aquatic resources, changes in property rights and conflicts over fishing grounds
Arguably, fish corrals are one of the most popular and effective, but not selective,
stationary fishing techniques in lagoons (Mien 2006). While this may be true, in
key-informant interviews, group discussions and in-depth interviews people
claimed that fish corrals caused the over-exploitation of aquatic resources,
obstructed the water flows, reduced the water quality, prevented the migration of
fish in and out of the lagoon and also within the lagoon area due to the high density
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of corrals, and hindered navigation. Above all, rapid expansion and intensification
of corrals are contributing to depletion of fisheries resources, yet fish is the main
source of nutrition and livelihood for fishers. The steep decline in fish catches has
been the most important factor responsible for the increasing levels of poverty, food
insecurity and vulnerability. Other outcomes include increased movements out of
the fishing sector, growing unemployment, degradation of habitat and the pursuit
of destructive or illegal activities. Over time, different village households had varied
access to the common pool resources, which determined their social and economic
circumstances. The favourable locations for fish corrals were occupied and owned
by earlier comers, often rich people; latecomers had access to very little space.
Following the intensification and expansion of fish corrals, tensions emerged in
the fishing grounds and over natural resources within and beyond the fisheries
sector. Owing to the capital-intensive requirements, only the rich households can
afford more fish corrals and own larger corral wings. Conflict between competing
users of resources was almost inevitable under conditions of investment capacity
and excessive fishing effort. Conflicts also emerged between fish corrals and the
net-fishing sector. Fish corrals with fine-mesh-size nets captured whatever was
available in the breeding grounds, which left very little for net fishermen, while the
spaces suitable for net fishing have increasingly been encroached on by the fish
corral sector, and the density of fish corrals has blocked the fishing routes of net
fishers. Poor fishers had to move to new fishing grounds and hire motorised boats
to go further for larger catches. Such outcomes eventually led to violent
confrontations between the net fishing and fish corrals sectors, forcing the
Commune People’s Committees to intervene, yet further conflicts have followed.
This has affected all fishers’ fragile relations both with their natural resource base
and with other communities, sometimes disrupting social relations within and
between villages.
Unsustainable coping strategies in response to the change
To cope with the depletion of resources and the constraints of livelihood
diversification, local fishermen have adopted alternative strategies to enhance their
livelihoods. A popular strategy among fishers without other employment oppor-
tunities is the adoption of fine-meshed nets to catch all kinds of species. When the
decline in catch began to impinge upon returns in a significant manner,
necessitating a tightening of operations, fishers began using only those nets that
- 404 T.H. Nguyen
ensured at least a minimum return on investment. These destructive activities met
their short-term needs at the expense of long-term interests in resource sustain-
ability. In response to the loss of productivity from fish corrals, poor fishers also
became involved in illegal activities, such as electric push nets and fishing during
closed seasons, to meet subsistence needs. Electric push nets, produced manually
locally, further contributed to the decline in resources and provoked confrontations
among fishers whose only option was to exploit the nearly exhausted common
coastal resources.
Other more desperate coping strategies in response to the resource depletion
include playing cards and gambling among women who had lost some traditional
occupations, and then borrowing by means of ‘hot loans’ with high interest rates to
cover losses from gambling or daily subsistence needs. Such activities quickly
proved unsustainable as debtors could not repay the loans. Ultimately, some poor
and redundant people were unable to escape from poverty, and a number had left
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the district in search of alternative options, but all returned after a period as wage
labourers, since they could not afford the living expenses away from home and
generated no surplus to support their families, and had to return to the already
inadequate fishing.
Fishers have constantly modified their livelihood activities, but from the
extremely limited and often inadequate options available to them, and with little
consideration for anything other than immediate outcomes. Some choices have
been illegal; many wholly unsustainable. Although many fishers understood the
negative implications of some of their choices, they had very few options. Indeed,
despite the problematic outcomes, the choices that the poor have made have often
been the best that could have been made in such contexts. But those choices
nonetheless made them increasingly vulnerable. Rather further north, at Tam
Giang lagoon in central Vietnam, it was concluded that two decades of rapid
economic growth and intensification of resource exploitation have resulted in
ecological decline and a ‘relatively bleak’ future for small-scale fishers (Armitage &
Marschke 2013, p. 190). In rather smaller Nha Phu the future is no less bleak.
Conclusions
Fish corrals in Nha Phu lagoon have undergone dramatic transformation in recent
decades, with significant changes in their materials, structure and size. Traditional
selective corrals have been replaced with more expensive ‘modern’ destructive
ones, with population growth and the move to marketisation. That has resulted in
changes of access rights to water areas, growth in the number of corrals and their
coastal concentrations, with the best sites gone and the available water area almost
utilised. Growing competition has created increasing inequality as only some
households could obtain improved technology and access to adequate resources.
Wealthier households enhanced their incomes and livelihood assets, but at the
expense of others. Intensive fish corrals with high production costs have, on the
other hand, resulted in low income for the poorer groups, or even pushed them into
debt. The privatisation of common pool resources thus led to marginalisation of the
poor and increasing inequality in access to natural resources.
Fishermen know that the catch is decreasing, because the corrals are not selective
and catch everything regardless of size, and recognise that if everyone practises this
then aquatic resources will decline further, and without rearrangement and better
- Transformation of Fish Corrals in Nha Phu Lagoon, Vietnam 405
regulation further conflicts will arise from competition over fishing grounds and
from people using different kinds of gear. However, as additional and alternative
livelihoods are unavailable and there is no overall management of fish corrals,
fishermen have no realistic choice other than to continue with forms of fishing that
are damaging and unsustainable.
In response to such problems, there is an urgent need for effective measures to
reduce poverty and inequality, and to ensure sustainable livelihood development in
fishing communities. Livelihood diversification programs are required urgently in
order to offer pro-poor alternative and additional livelihoods, both inside and
outside the fisheries. Formalisation of common property regimes and co-manage-
ment, joint and adaptive governance and co-management by resource users are also
feasible solutions to maintain access to resources for the poor and to ensure that
they benefit from resources. That is challenging where decision making has
typically been hierarchical and top-down (Van Tuyen et al. 2010). It is also crucial
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to enforce and reinforce management practices in order to prevent further resource
depletion in the lagoon. Yet for a large and complex ecological area, where many
people are highly dependent on fisheries resources for their livelihoods and multiple
uses interact and overlap, developing and regulating an effective management
strategy that is both capable of meeting livelihood needs and achieving longer-term
sustainability will be extremely difficult.
Acknowledgement
I am grateful to the two anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions.
Correspondence: Tuong Huy Nguyen, Faculty of Geography, Hanoi National
University of Education, 136 Xuan Thuy Rd., Cau Giay, Hanoi, Vietnam.
E-mail: tuonghuy@hnue.edu.vn
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