THE POWER OF TV: CABLE TELEVISION AND WOMEN'S STATUS IN INDIA

THE POWER OF TV: CABLE TELEVISION AND WOMEN’S STATUS IN INDIA Robert Jensen School of Public Aairs, UCLA, Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University and NBER Emily Oster University of Chicago and NBER Forthcoming, Quarterly Journal of Economics Abstract Cable and satellite television have spread rapidly throughout the developing world. These media sources expose viewers to new information about the outside world and other ways of life, which may aect attitudes and behaviors. This paper explores the eect of the introduction of cable television on women’s status in rural India. Using a three-year, individual-level panel dataset, we nd that the introduction of cable television is associated with signicant decreases in the reported acceptability of domestic violence towards women and son preference, as well as increases in women’s autonomy and decreases in fertility. We also nd suggestive evidence that exposure to cable increases school enrollment for younger children, perhaps through increased participation of women in household decision-making. We argue that the results are not driven by pre-existing dierential trends. 1 Introduction The growth of television in the developing world over the last two decades has been extraordinary. Estimates suggest that the number of television sets in Asia has increased more than six-fold, from 100 million to 650 million, since the 1980s (Thomas, 2003). In China, television exposure grew from 18 million people in 1977 to 1 billion by 1995 (Thomas, 2003). In more recent years, satellite and cable television availability has increased dramatically. Again in China, the number of people with satellite access increased from just 270,000 in 1991 to 14 million by 2005. Further, these numbers are likely to understate the change in the number of people for whom television is available, since a single television is often watched by many. Several studies have demonstrated that the information and exposure provided by television can inuence a wide range of attitudes and behavior. Gentzkow and Shapiro (2004) nd that Matthew Gentzkow, Larry Katz, Steve Levitt, John List, Divya Mathur, Ben Olken, Andrei Shleifer and Jesse Shapiro provided helpful comments. Perwinder Singh provided excellent research assistance. Contact: eoster@uchicago.edu. 1 television viewership in the Muslim world aects attitudes towards the West, and DellaVigna and Kaplan (2007) show large eects of the Fox News channel on voting patterns in the United States. In the developing world, Olken (2006) shows that television decreases participation in social organizations in Indonesia, and Chong, Duryea and La Ferrara (2007) nd that exposure to soap operas in Brazil reduces fertility. India has not been left out of the cable and satellite revolution: a recent survey nds that 112 million households in India own a television, with 61 percent of those homes having cable or satellite service (National Readership Studies Council 2006). This gure represents a doubling in cable access in just ve years from a previous survey. The survey nds that in some states, the change has been even more dramatic; in the span of just 10-15 years since it rst became available, cable or satellite penetration has reached an astonishing 60 percent in states such as Tamil Nadu, even though the average income is below the World Bank poverty line of two dollars per person per day. Beyond providing entertainment, television vastly increases both the availability of information about the outside world and exposure to other ways of life. This is especially true for remote, rural villages, where several ethnographic and anthropological studies have suggested that television is the primary channel through which households get information about life outside their village (Mankekar 1993, 1998; Fernandes 2000; Johnson 2001; Scrase 2002). Most popular cable programming features urban settings where lifestyles dier in prominent and salient ways from those in rural areas. For example, many characters on popular soap operas have more education, marry later and have smaller families, all things rarely found in rural areas; and many female characters work outside the home, sometimes as professionals, running businesses or in other positions of authority. Anthropological accounts suggest that the growth of TV in rural areas has had large eects on a wide range of day-to-day lifestyle behaviors, including latrine building and fan usage (Johnson 2001). Yet there have been few rigorous empirical studies of the impacts this dramatic expansion in cable access may have had on social and demographic outcomes. In this paper we explore the eect of the introduction of cable television in rural areas of India on a particular set of values and behaviors, namely attitudes towards and discrimination against women. Although issues of gender equality are important throughout the world, they are particularly salient in India. Sen (1992) argued that there were 41 million \missing women" in India { women and girls who died prematurely due to mistreatment { resulting in a dramatically male-biased population. The population bias towards men has only gotten worse in the last two 2 decades, as sex-selective abortion has become more widely used to avoid female births (Jha et al. 2006). More broadly, girls in India are discriminated against in nutrition, medical care, vaccination and education (Basu 1989; Griths et al. 2002; Pande 2003; Borooah 2004; Mishra et al. 2004; Oster 2007). Even within India, gender inequality is signicantly worse in rural than urban areas. By exposing rural households to urban attitudes and values, cable and satellite television may lead to improvements in status for rural women. It is this possibility that we explore in this paper. The primary analysis relies on a three-year panel dataset covering women in ve Indian states between 2001 and 2003. These years represent a time of rapid growth in rural cable access. During the panel, cable television was newly introduced in 21 of the 180 sample villages.1 Our empirical strategy relies on comparing changes in gender attitudes and behaviors between survey rounds across villages based on whether (and when) they added cable television. Using these data, we nd that cable television has large eects on women’s status. After cable is introduced to a village, there are signicant changes in gender attitudes: women are less likely to report that it is acceptable for a husband to beat his wife, and less likely to express a preference for sons. Behaviors traditionally associated with women’s status also change: women report increased autonomy (for example, the ability to go out without permission and to participate in household decision-making) and lower fertility. In terms of magnitude, the eects are quite large { for example, the introduction of cable decreases the dierences in attitudes and behaviors between urban and rural areas by 45 to 70 percent. Further, these eects happen quickly, with observable impacts in the rst year following cable introduction. This is consistent with existing work on the eects of media exposure, which typically nd rapid changes (within a few months, in many cases) in behaviors like contraceptive use, pregnancy, latrine building and perception of own-village status (Pace 1993; Valente et al. 1994; Kane et al. 1998; Rogers et al. 1999; Johnson 2001). A central empirical concern is the possibility that trends in other variables (for example, income or \modernity") aect both cable access and women’s status. We argue that this does not appear to be the case, rst showing visually that there are no pre-existing dierential trends in women’s status for villages that do and do not add cable, and that the timing of changes in outcomes is closely aligned with the introduction of cable, and second, that the outcomes are not correlated with future cable access. 1Cable television in these villages is generally introduced by an entrepreneur, who purchases a satellite dish and subscription, and then charges people (generally within 1km of the dish) to run cables to it. In this sense, people are actually accessing satellite channels. We will use the terms cable and satellite interchangeably to refer to programming not available via public broadcast signals. Our interest is with the content of programming available to households, rather than the physical means of delivery of that content. 3 Policy makers and academics often argue that a signicant benet of improved status for women is increased investments in children (World Bank 2001, 2006; Qian 2008). Although our ability to look at children’s outcomes is limited, we are able to look at the eects of cable access on school enrollment. Using both our household panel data and administrative data for roughly 1,000 villages in the state of Tamil Nadu, we provide evidence that the introduction of cable increases school enrollment for younger children. Although the enrollment data have some limitations relative to the data on women’s status, we see large eects of cable that also appear to increase over time. Again, we argue these results are not driven by pre-existing trends in the outcome variables. The results are potentially quite important for policy. As noted, a large literature in economics, sociology and anthropology has explored the underlying causes of discrimination against women in India, highlighting the dowry system, low levels of female education, and other socioeconomic factors as central factors (Rosenzweig and Shultz 1982; Murthi et al. 1995; Agnihotri 2000; Agnihotri et al. 2002; Rahman and Rao 2004; Qian 2008). And while progress has been made in these areas, changing the underlying factors behind low levels of education, women’s status and high fertility has proven to be very dicult; introducing television, or reducing any barriers to its spread, may be less so. In fact, the government of Tamil Nadu has recently begun a program to provide free color televisions to 7.5 million households with the goal of ensuring every household has one by 2011. One of the primary objectives of this program is to enable women, particularly in rural areas, to \acquire knowledge for social and economic development." Therefore, our results also provide insight into the potential impact this unique and non-traditional strategy can have on critical policy priorities. From a policy perspective, however, there are potential concerns about whether the changes in reported attitudes, such as towards domestic violence or son preference, represent changes in behaviors, or just in reporting. For example, we may be concerned that exposure to television only changes what the respondent thinks the interviewer wants to hear about the acceptability of beating, but does not actually change the incidence of beating. This is less of a concern in the case of autonomy and fertility, where women are asked about their actual behavior (and for fertility, there is less scope for misreporting since both pregnancies and recent births are likely to be observable by the interviewer). In addition, the fact that we nd eects on education in administrative data provides support for an eect of cable on behavior. Without directly observing people in their homes, however, it is dicult to conclusively separate changes in reporting from changes in behavior. However, even if cable only changes what is reported, it still may represent progress: changing the 4 perceived \correct" attitude seems like a necessary, if not sucient, step toward changing outcomes. The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides background on television in India and discusses existing anthropological and ethnographic evidence on the impact of television on Indian society, as well as the determinants of cable placement. Section 3 describes the SARI data and empirical strategy. Section 4 presents the results on women’s status, and Section 5 the results on education. Section 6 provides some discussion of magnitudes, timing and mechanisms behind the results and concludes. 2 Background on Television in India While television was rst introduced to India in 1959, for the rst three decades almost all broadcasting was in the hands of the state, and the content was primarily focused towards news or information about economic development.2The most signicant innovation in terms of both content and viewership was the introduction of satellite television in the early 1990s. In the 5 years from 2001 to 2006 about 30 million households, representing approximately 150 million individuals, added cable service (National Readership Studies Council 2006). And since television is often watched with family and friends by those without a television or cable, the growth in actual access or exposure to cable is likely to have been even more dramatic. The program oerings on cable television are quite dierent than government programming. The most popular shows tend to be game shows and soap operas. For example, among the most popular shows in both 2000 and 2007 (based on Indian Nielsen ratings) is \Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi," (Because a Mother-in-Law was Once a Daughter-in-Law, Also) a show based around the life of a wealthy industrial family in the large city of Mumbai. As can be seen from the title, the main themes and plots of the show revolve around issues of family and gender. The introduction of television appears in general to have had large eects on Indian society. This is particularly the case for gender, since this is an area where the lives of rural viewers dier ... - tailieumienphi.vn