Tài liệu miễn phí Bảo hiểm
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Risk management is the process whereby the insurer's management takes action to assess
and control the impact of past and potential future events that could be detrimental to the insurer.
These events can impact both the asset and liability sides of the insurer's balance sheet, and the
insurer’s cash flow. Investment risk management addresses investment related events that would
cause the insurer’s investment performance to weaken or otherwise adversely affect its financial
position. Various investment risks tend to focus on different parts of the investment portfolio.
Market risk impacts capital investments, including stocks and real estate, as well as...
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The Mexican legal system is a mixture of U.S. constitutional theory within a civil law system.
Mexico’s legal framework concerning real property includes the Federal Constitution, Federal
Civil Code, state civil codes, municipal laws and ordinances. Additionally, the Foreign Investment
Law and Foreign Investment Law Regulations regulate foreign investment. In Mexico, real
property is classified as either public, private or communal, the nature of which will affect the
property’s use and potential alienation. While land in Mexico can be owned in a manner akin to
fee-simple in the U.S., in Mexico, all rights to minerals, oil and gas are held...
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It was during the Depression that hospitals band-
ed together to offer prepaid coverage to citizens.
Prepaid hospital coverage was a way for hospitals to
avoid the financial failure that befell the banking
industry. The approach worked so well that doctors
followed suit a few years later and Blue Cross Blue
Shield organizations were born. Little did anyone
know that the seeds for runaway costs eighty years
later had been planted.
Prepaid, employer-provided insurance quickly
dominated the health care landscape. Subsequent
action by the federal government in the 1950s to pro-
vide a tax deduction for health insurance premiums
helped solidify the approach. To set the system in
concrete, in the 1960s the federal...
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While the resulting American health care model
proved a clever way to ensure that the money would
roll in from patients, employers, and government, it
contained a flaw that is proving fatal. The flaw is that
health care consumers have been removed from par-
ticipating in decisions regarding their care. Our
approach to health insurance ignores the important
role consumers play in controlling costs and enhanc-
ing quality. Dr. Gorman found that people who pay
for their own care cut utilization by 10% to 30% with
no discernable effect on health. Saving even 10% of
Wisconsin’s 2002-2003 health care spending would
have saved $260 million.
Fortunately a movement has begun to put con-
sumers...
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Locked into an eighty-year-old model that prescribes central planning for every aspect of the U.S. health system,
America’s system of delivering health care has lost sight of the important role that consumers play in controlling
health system costs and quality. Real world experiments suggest that people who pay for their own care cut utiliza-
tion by 10% to 30% with no discernable effect on health. Saving even 10% of Wisconsin’s 2002-2003 health care
spending would have saved $260 million.
But how did this happen? How did the Wisconsin health care consumer become a passive cog in a very expen-
sive machine? Interestingly, the answer has...
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Hospitals, hit hard by the Great Depression, rushed to embrace plans for prepaid health care as a way to survive.
In 1939 the American Hospital Association began allowing plans that met its standards to use the Blue Cross name
and logo. State legislatures agreed not to treat Blue Cross plans as insurance, based on the rationale that they were
owned by hospitals. This permitted Blue Cross plans to operate as non-profit corporations, escaping the 2% to 3%
premiums generally charged private insurance companies, and exempted them from insurance company reserve
requirements.
Worried that the hospitals would expand the Blue Cross concept into physician services, physicians...
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By 1945 Blue Cross had captured 59% of the health insurance market. The idea of prepaid health insurance was
solidified on the American landscape in 1954, when the Internal Revenue Code codified the deductibility of health
insurance payments. The employer deduction significantly reduced the cost of health insurance for consumers eligi-
ble for an employer-provided group plan.
The federal government cast the Blue Cross Blue Shield approach in regulatory concrete in 1965 when Congress
passed the Medicare and Medicaid programs. Medicare copied the Blue Cross Blue Shield pay-as-you-go approach
to health insurance and applied it to almost all Americans over 65. Ironically, at the time, relatively...
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Unable to impassively watch as health care spending spiraled upward, federal health care planners imposed an
armada of regulations on the manner in which health care was provided to Medicare and Medicaid patients. The reg-
ulatory binge in U.S. health care since the 1970s has produced nearly 50 kinds of federal and state health services’
regulations, which by 2002 was costing roughly $340 billion, about 20% of total health spending of $1,560 billion.
More promising recent reforms emphasize a return to consumer-directed health spending in which consumers
who spend less on their health benefit directly. Health Savings Accounts made their debut in 2002. Early...
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For the last 100 years, a health care regulatory project enthusiastically endorsed by generations of health policy
experts has been encrusting U.S. health care with layer upon layer of increasingly intrusive regulation. Though each
regulation may be innocuous in its own right, taken together they have had the unfortunate effect of divorcing patients
from spending on their health, creating explosive growth in Wisconsin’s Medicaid budget, and making Wisconsin’s
market for hospital services one of the least competitive in the United States.
In hindsight, the regulatory program had had three major achievements. It has excluded consumers from health
care decisions, consistently moving the power to make decisions...
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With its focus on cost and third party payment, the regulatory program has also managed to shift the public
debate. The historical focus on caring for an individual patient has been subsumed in discussions of pricing, cost con-
trol, and the merits of using a variety of delivery systems for expanding the third party payments system to an ever-
increasing fraction of the population, legal or not. The collateral damage has been high. People have lost sight of the
important role that involved consumers spending their own money play in controlling system costs and quality. They
also have scant appreciation for the fact that the...
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Those alarmed at current health care costs and nostalgic for those of times gone by generally fail to appreciate
that policy makers in the 1920s considered health care too costly and were concerned that the majority of American
households lacked access to it.
As late as 1910, “the cost of health care treatment was considered a minor problem compared to the loss of wages
due to sickness for most workers.”
1
In the early 1900s, patients either lived or died. Care was largely limited to pre-
venting disease by keeping clean, recommending good diets, providing good nursing, performing basic surgery, and
praying for a rapid recovery.
Although Semmelweis had...
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For most of the 1800s, hospitals had been a place where the chronically ill and indigent received charitable care
because they had no family capable of shouldering the burden. Those who could afford it received care at home. But
as the importance of asepsis began to be appreciated, surgical and acute care patients were more likely to be treated
in hospitals designed to facilitate antiseptic conditions. Hospitals began charging for the use of their facilities.
During the transition, medical bills began absorbing significant amounts of family income. Hospital costs rose
from 7.6% of total family medical bills in 1918, to 13% in 1929.
6
According to the...
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Nine out of ten non-elderly Americans with private health
insurance receive it through their employer.
2 People
generally understand how job-based coverage works,
because it is the most common form of coverage.
Employer coverage is subsidized, and nearly all
employers pay at least half of the premium. On average,
employers pay 83 percent of the cost of single coverage
and 73 percent of the cost of family coverage.
3 Therefore,
employees have a strong incentive to sign up for employer
coverage, regardless of their health or financial status.
When nearly everybody in a firm signs up, premiums
reflect...
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under the multiemployer insurance program, PBgC generally provides financial
assistance to an insolvent plan in the form of a loan or loans, although it occasionally
provides lump-sum settlements in lieu of future financial assistance. loans are usually
made quarterly but sometimes monthly in an amount which, when combined with the
plan’s other income, covers both the plan’s reasonable administrative expenses and its
statutorily guaranteed benefits payments. if it recovers financially, the plan is obligated
to repay this financial assistance in accordance with the terms and conditions specified
by PBgC. insolvent multiemployer plans seldom recover, and repayment of...
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Before 1999, PBgC did not make lump-sum payments to insolvent multiemployer
plans or those expected to become insolvent in the future. it now does so in select
cases to close out a plan or to facilitate a merger with another, financially stronger
multiemployer plan. in a closeout, the plan either purchases annuities from the private
insurance market to satisfy its obligations or pays participants lump sums in lieu of
annuities. PBgC generally makes a lump-sum payment to allow a closeout when
administrative expenses would otherwise absorb an unacceptably high proportion of
future financial assistance. PBgC provides...
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PBgC’s financial assistance is not automatic. a plan must follow certain procedures
to obtain financial assistance. First, it must notify PBgC and the plan’s participants that
it is insolvent. Second, it must inform participants of their statutorily guaranteed benefit
levels. next, it must apply for financial assistance with the PBgC. PBgC must then
verify the insolvency and determine the level of financial assistance it will provide. This
level depends on the amount of contributions and withdrawal liability payments the plan
is receiving, if any. PBgC also reviews the plan’s administrative costs to ensure...
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PBgC reviews the plan assets and plan funding for those plans that received financial
assistance in the past but are neither currently receiving financial assistance nor repay-
ing past financial assistance. if the review shows that the value of a terminated plan’s
assets exceeds the present value of the plan’s liabilities (not including the amount owed
PBgC) or that the value of an ongoing plan’s assets plus anticipated plan income exceeds
its anticipated liabilities by more than 20 percent for each of the next three years, then
PBgC may seek repayment of all or part of the financial assistance previously...
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Every opinion poll shows Wisconsin citizens are
worried about the cost of health care. It is affecting
the security of every family and the bottom line of
every business. We have come to expect soaring
health care costs each year and we feel almost help-
less to do anything about it. How did it get this way?
That is the question we asked Linda Gorman,
Ph.D. to research for us. As the Director of the Health
Care Policy Center for the Independence Institute,
Dr. Gorman is well qualified to answer the question.
Her report points out critical flaws in the American
health care system that date back to the...
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Fraud fighters from all parts of the United States met at the National Insurance Fraud
Forum in Washington, D.C., June 5-7, 2000 to set a fraud-fighting agenda for the next
five years. Their accomplishments included identifying key fraud fighting goals in
dealing with legislation and regulation at the state and federal levels and proposing a
list of specific developments on which to focus.
Proposed new statutes and regulations frequently threaten the industry’s fraud fight-
ing programs and the ability of fraud fighters to access information necessary to pur-
sue insurance fraud offenders. A fundamental shift is occurring in government’s
approach to management and oversight...
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Then came 1999 — and a new federal government preoccupation with privacy. The
general approach has been to create new federal limitations, not to replace state lim-
itations, but to set a nationwide floor of privacy protection. Several states are now try-
ing to outdo each other in cutting off access to information about their citizens.
On the federal privacy front, there were three noteworthy developments in 1999.
First, Congress considered, but did not pass, extremely broad and extremely stringent
new limitations on the use of personally identifiable information related to health
care. Several of the bills introduced in Congress by Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-MA) and
others...
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The fact that entrepreneurs may insulate workers’ earnings from shocks in the prod-
uct market has long been recognised as an important determinant of the dynamics
of wages. The rationale for such an insurance ultimately rests on the concept of
implicit labour contracts originated by Azariadis (1975), Baily (1974) and Gordon
(1974). A central empirical implication is that contract wages may entail implicit
payments of insurance premiums by workers in favourable states of nature and the
receipt of indemnities in unfavourable states....
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While much of this recent literature has focused on how the amount of insurance
varies across different worker and employer groups, the role of collective bargaining
has received somewhat less attention.
2
The scant evidence on collective bargaining
is particularly surprising as the role of trade unions as an insurance device has
long been emphasised by researchers. The general argument here is that union
may mitigate the enforcement problems that arise within risk-sharing agreements
between workers and their employers (e.g., Horn and Svensson 1986, Malcolmson
1983). Clearly, examining the trade unions’ role in providing wage insurance is
crucial to an understanding of how labour market institutions affect wage dynamics....
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The data we use to address these questions are taken from a large-scale matched
worker-firm data set for Germany, the IAB Linked Employer-Employee data set
(LIAB). This data set links the IAB-Establishment Panel with individual data for
the entire population of workers from the Employment Statistics Register. Due to
its administrative nature, one of the major advantages of this data set is that it
offers very reliable information on individual daily wages inclusive of supplemental
pay as long as such pay is subject to social security contributions. Moreover, the
data are especially well suited for our purposes as they offer longitudinal information
on value added, collective bargaining coverage...
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A second channel through which collectively bargained wages might promote
wage insurance relates to the level of wage bargaining. If wages are determined
at sectoral or national levels, this should open up less possibilities for local wage
adjustments as compared with firm-level wage bargaining. Taken together, the
overall view that emerges from these considerations is that collective bargaining
may act as a substitute for legal contractual enforcement and may therefore serve
as a device to promote implicit contractual arrangements when legal enforcement is
otherwise unavailable....
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In Germany, works councils constitute the second important pillar of the in-
dustrial relations system and provide workers with the opportunity of employee
representation at the establishment level.
5
The participation rights are laid down
under the German Works Constitution Act (Betriebsverfassungsgesetz) and include
consultation, co-determination and information rights, which generally increase in
scope the larger the establishment becomes. For example, Section 106 of the Works
Constitution Act obliges plants with more than 100 employees to set up a so-called
economic committee in order to provide works councils with all relevant information
about their business conditions. According to Section 100, employers with more
than 1,000 employees are more formally obliged to...
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When comparing industry-level with firm-level contracts, it is worth emphasising
that the latter are concluded by industry-specific unions. I.e., firm-level contracts
in Germany merely involve a different level of bargaining, but do not reflect a fun-
damentally different union structure. Thus, with respect to the trade union’s role in
removing information asymmetries, there is a-priori no reason to expect any differ-
ential effects under firm and industry-level contracts, as the collection of the relevant
firm information ought to be equally easy to deal with under either contract type.
The distinctive feature that is relevant here apparently relates to the level of wage
determination. To the extent that industry-level...
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Clearly, a straightforward implication of wages being determined by sectoral
conditions would be that industry-level contracts offer little scope for adjustments of
individual wages to firm-specific demand shocks, even if the latter are of permanent
nature. However, as demonstrated in Section 2.2, industry-level contracts do not
necessarily provide an obstacle to the adjustment of wages to local conditions, as
recent decentralisation tendencies in Germany have introduced the option of making
such wage adjustments. Given that full insurance is likely to induce substantial job
loss if demand disturbances have a more permanent character, a natural expectation
is that this potential should at least have been exploited to allow for...
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Because larger firms are much more likely to be covered by collective bargaining
contracts and works councils, a closely related issue concerns the independent role
of firm size in providing wage insurance. As firm size is typically viewed as a good
proxy for capital market access (e.g., Gertler and Gilchrist 1994), insurance contracts
should be particularly apparent for individuals working at larger employers. In
our empirical analysis, we will therefore explicitly attempt to sort firm size from
industrial relations explanations using evidence on differential effects of collective
bargaining across size classes. When addressing this issue, two conflicting hypotheses
can be tested. First, it might be conceivable that due...
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To construct the linked employer-employee data set, we first select establish-
ments from the establishment panel data. From the available waves, we use the
years 1995 to 2005. Since information on a number of variables, such as investment
expenditures and sales are gathered retrospectively for the preceding year, we lose
information on the last wave. Moreover, we restrict our sample to western Ger-
man establishments from the mining and manufacturing sector with at least two
employees. From the establishment level data we gain information on a number of
establishment characteristics, such as establishment size, collective bargaining cov-
erage and the existence of a works council. ...
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Among unbanked households, slightly more than half
have never had a bank account. Relatively high propor-
tions of Hispanic (14.7 percent) and foreign-born non-
citizen households (18.9 percent) have never had an
account.
The most common reasons why households report they do
not have bank accounts are that they feel they do not
have enough money for an account, or they do not need
or want one. Households that have previously had an
account are less likely to report that they do not need or
want an account relative to those that have never had
one.
Certain segments of the unbanked population...
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